Divided by Design

Examining the damage in Atlanta

The devastation, disconnection, and displacement of highways plowed through cities and neighborhoods is easy to see, but rarely do we quantify the costs in terms of lost wealth, land, residents, and businesses. The damage also could have been much worse, with many planned highways never built or completed. We examine current and historical data on the impact of one built and one unbuilt highway in Atlanta.1

Atlanta's Story

I-20 (built) and I-485 (unbuilt)

Note: Click either tab below to toggle between I-20 and I-485 data and animations

Built: Interstate 20
Unbuilt: Interstate 485
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BUILT: INTERSTATE 20

  • Length analyzed: Approximately 11 miles
  • Six lanes with an estimated minimum 284-foot wide impact zone

While Interstate 20 runs from West Texas to South Carolina, we examined the approximately 11 miles within the Atlanta city limits, including the massive intersection with the Interstate 75/85 downtown connector.2 I-20’s route was chosen deliberately, as noted in the story below, to divide white and Black neighborhoods at the time. Its meandering route was designed to protect certain neighborhoods and devastate others, as well as to provide a barrier that would last for decades to come.

 

What was lost in Atlanta? How did I-20 devastate and transform the city, and the people within it? This animation visualizing before and after construction of I-20 using historic satellite imagery was produced in partnership with @Segregation_By_Design.

 

What was lost with the construction of Interstate 20 (within the city limits):

I-20 consumes at least 572 acres and $150 million in taxable land, according to 2021 Atlanta land assessments3

Without the homes that previously existed within the I-20 corridor, the city lost the ability to tax at least $676 million in homevalue, costing the city at least $6.4 million in property taxes each year

I-20 displaced at least 7,500 people in 1960, 40 percent of whom were Black.

It destroyed an estimated 2,200 homes, wiping out $596,000 in average home equity, if those homes existed today.

What was lost with the construction of Interstate 20 (within the city limits):

Also, roads are liabilities, not assets, and maintaining or rehabilitating them require significant costs. Highways are the most expensive kind of road to maintain due to their width, material (often concrete), and traffic volumes. Figures vary, but according to a Strong Towns analysis of 2014 FHWA numbers, it can cost upwards of $7.7 million per mile to reconstruct an existing lane of a freeway like this one.

Mayor Ivan Allen is widely credited with popularizing “The City Too Busy to Hate” as a slogan for Atlanta

But in reality, that was as much about marketing the city to the rest of the country and the world as the aviation industry exploded and Atlanta’s economy was on the rise.

The city was a nexus of the civil rights movement in the 1950s and 60s and progressed ahead of other southern cities through what could charitably be called a more pragmatic approach to integration, but Atlanta was also not radically different from the rest of the South. Black Americans, including GIs returning from WWII, were moving to the city in search of economic opportunity, and white Atlantans were making every effort to segregate a city in which the KKK was still very active.

Street names were routinely changed so that white residents would not have to share similar addresses with Black residents and streets were built around Black neighborhoods to create physical barriers. Even Mayor Ivan Allen, who defeated a staunch racist segregationist for his first term as mayor and is rightfully celebrated for his support of the civil rights movement, was central to an effort to put a physical wall across a southwest neighborhood to keep Black people from moving northward.

Mayor Ivan Allen is widely credited with popularizing “The City Too Busy to Hate” as a slogan for Atlanta

This aerial view looking west shows the 75/85 Connector under construction from left to right, with a massive chunk of land being cleared and prepared for the east-west segment of I-485 segment which was then never built, lying fallow until repurposed for today’s John Lewis Freedom Parkway in the 1990s. Credit: The Atlanta History Center.

While advocates were able to successfully convince planners to shift what ultimately became the downtown connector (I-75/85) several blocks to the east to save some notable buildings in the commercial core of Sweet Auburn, the neighborhood was still sliced in half and pierced with a massive interstate viaduct (and accompanying ramps) that weakened the neighborhood, impoverishing it over the intervening decades. Sweet Auburn has never been the same.

Looking east on Sweet Auburn in 2011. The historic Odd Fellows building is at left, one of the few spared by construction of the Connector, visible in the background. Flickr photo by Ken Lund.

 

The City Too Busy Moving to Hate

The many interstates (and massive interchanges) that followed separated white and Black communities in Atlanta and accelerated the flow of white Atlantans to the suburbs. (And in later years, many Black Atlantans as well.) Over the course of the 1960s, 60,000 whites left the city, and many interstates later, in the 1970s, they were joined by 100,000 more. Locals quipped that Atlanta was “The City Too Busy Moving to Hate.”

Today, crisscrossed by interstates that dispersed the metro area’s population and jobs, Atlanta is home to some of the worst traffic in the nation. The Tom Moreland Interchange—the complicated intersection of Interstates 285 and 85 and other roads on the north side, often called “Spaghetti Junction”—is consistently ranked as one of the top three worst truck bottlenecks in the nation. The state has created massive traffic problems by spending billions to disperse people, homes, and jobs. And today, they continue to try and solve the traffic congestion they’ve created by turning to the same “solution” that created the problems in the first place.

While some of the proposed highways were never built, the two examples we analyze from Atlanta are instructive for what does and doesn’t get built, and why.

Interstate 20 largely followed an east/west line between predominantly white neighborhoods on the north and Black neighborhoods to the south. As Kevin Kruse wrote in the New York Times Magazine, “In Atlanta, the intent to segregate was crystal clear. Interstate 20…was deliberately plotted along a winding route in the late 1950s to serve, in the words of Mayor [William] Hartsfield, as ‘the boundary between the white and Negro communities’ on the west side of town. Black neighborhoods, he hoped, would be hemmed in on one side of the new expressway, while white neighborhoods on the other side of it would be protected.”

And then consider Interstate 485, the unbuilt massive north- south highway, proposed to be built directly through some of the most prosperous and politically powerful white neighborhoods in the eastern side of the city near Piedmont Park, which was ultimately defeated and never built.

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